In graphic detail, the Normans show us their version of claiming the English throne: an Anglo-Saxon woman, most likely a mother and wife, clings to a child with one hand and reaches out pleadingly toward the Norman soldiers who are setting her home on fire. All to no avail, as the house burning is merely a precursor to the decisive battle at Hastings in 1066. Notice how much smaller she is than the Norman males surrounding her. The loss would not stop there. With the defeat of the Anglo-Saxon army, William of Normandy would claim the throne -- and much, much more. He and his Norman successors would take even the very Anglo-Saxon words for "wife," "woman," and "female servant," and shift them sharply to the left, putting this Anglo-Saxon "woman" -- and all her sisters -- firmly in the grip of their Norman overlords.
Early Anglo-Saxons used the word cwene for a married woman in general. During the nearly 500 years that the Anglo-Saxons controlled England, the word migrated to mean the wife of a noble, including the king. Yet even as cwene became more like the "queen" we know today, wif remained the generic term for "woman, female." In some verb forms, wif did have the meaning of "female taken in marriage," but with the growing usage of husbonda, or "master of the house," and husbonde, "mistress of the house," the distinct status of an ordinary married woman was preserved in the language. Such fine distinctions, however, as the feminine ending "e" instead of the masculine "a," were too similar for the Normans to bother to distinguish. Easier by far to grab a word that the Anglo-Saxons never used for free females, and apply it to all Anglo-Saxon females in general. Thus, wifman, a word used only for female servants (and slaves) was corrupted into "woman," et voila, every Anglo-Saxon female became no better than a servant -- available for sexual exploitation in the eyes of their Norman male rulers. This shift left "wife" free to take the place of cwene and husbonde. Again, the meaning was clear, and ominous: A "wife" was merely an Anglo-Saxon man's "woman," even though the Church still recognized (and blessed) the union. With the Church throughout England firmly in Norman hands, Anglo-Saxon "women" could expect no protection there. Married or single, high-b0rn or low, every female of the conquered English had to fear the predations of the Normans. And forever more, their language -- our language -- has enshrined that conquest of female identity.
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Aelfgifa of Northampton, as she is called in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, was part of a powerful and wealthy Mercian family in 1004 C.E. That was the fateful year King Aethelred gave a charter to Burton Abbey, founded by her uncle, Abbot Wulfric "Spot." In this charter, the king confirmed Wulfric's will, in which Wulfric endowed the abbey with rich estates throughout Mercia, and gave considerable property in Northumbria to his brother, Earl Aelfhelm -- Aelfgifa's father. Aelfhelm, his son Wulfgeat, his son-in-law Morcar, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, Aelfric, are among the witnesses to this charter. ![]() The charter is well known. Seldom noticed, however, are the named guardians of the bequests in the charter. Nearing death, Abbot Wulfric puts the security of his family's earthly riches in the hands of just three men -- Aelfhelm, his brother; Archbishop Aelfric, his religious superior; and Aethelred II, his king. Two years later, only one of these men would still be alive. In 1005, Wulfrun, mother of Abbot Wulfric and Earl Aelfhelm, and matriarch of her family, dies after a long and full life. A descendant of King Aelfred the Great, her own personal wealth and status may have protected her as long as she lived. However, another death in the same year strips any remaining protection from Wulfrun's family. On November 16, Archbishop Aelfric of Canterbury dies. Now only Earl Aelfhelm and King Aethelred remain as guardians of the vast estates which Wulfric, and presumably Wulfrun, have left behind in Mercia and Northumbria. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle entry for the year 1006 describes what happened next: This year . . . Wulfeah and Ufgeat were deprived of sight; Ealdorman [Earl] Aelfhelm was slain. John of Worcester's Chronicon ex Chronicis provides additional details: The crafty and treacherous Eadric Streona, plotting to deceive the noble Ealdorman Aelfhelm, prepared a great feast for him at Shrewsbury . . . But on the third or fourth day of the feast, when an ambush had been prepared, he [Eadric] took him into the wood to hunt. When all were busy with the hunt, one Godwine Porthund, a Shrewsbury butcher, whom Eadric had dazzled long before with great gifts and many promises . . . suddenly leapt out from the ambush, and execrably slew the ealdorman Aelfhelm. After a short space of time, his sons, Wulfheah and Ufegeat, were blinded, at King Aethelred's command, at Cookham, where he himself [the king] was staying. Much has been written about the violence and treachery of Eadric Streona. In simple terms, he was King Aethelred's enforcer. Yet even he refuses, this time, to do the dirty work himself, and hires a local butcher to kill Aelfhelm. Not satisfied with murdering the father, King Aethelred then orders both of Aelfhelm's sons, Wulfheah, who witnessed the charter, and his younger brother, Ufegeat, to be blinded in his presence. Since a blind man cannot inherit property in Anglo-Saxon England, this vicious act immediately removes the claims Wulfheah and Ufegeat have on their father's lands.
Now no man stands between King Aethelred and the rich estates given to Aelfhelm and to Burton Abbey. Again, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle sums up the outcome: "A.D. 1007. In this year also was Eadric appointed Ealdorman over all the kingdom of the Mercians." The king's man has his reward, for past and future services. Burton Abbey, on the other hand, declines from a richly endowed religious house to one of the poorest abbeys in England. And Northumbria? King Aethelred appoints a man named Uhtred to be its new earl. No one, it seems, remains of Wulfrun's once powerful Mercian family to trouble him. No one, that is, but twelve-year-old Aelfgifa, and her two blind brothers now dependents in her care. ![]() Anglo-Saxon artists in all forms were fond of playing with images and letters, to suggest additional meanings beyond the obvious. The precise owner of this exquisite sword -- the blade is badly corroded but is believed to have been of the best quality, Ulfbearht type -- was clearly a man or woman of high status. The handgrip is unusually small, only 6.5 centimeters long. Another sword of this type, but with Viking imagery, was found at Suontaka, Finland in a woman's grave. If this sword did indeed originally belong to a woman, who could she have been? Historically, the highest status Anglo-Saxon woman known to have been in Norway at the time was Aelfgifu, handfasted wife of King Knut (Canute) of England, Denmark, and Norway. From 1030 to 1035, she ruled as Regent with their son, Svein, who had been appointed King of Norway by his father. Svein was about 16 at the beginning of his reign. Their rule ended abruptly in 1035 with an uprising of the Norwegian people against foreign domination. The mysterious, yet clearly Christian, symbols on the Langeid sword, as it is known, show a striking affinity with earlier Anglo-Saxon symbols on the coins minted for Queen Cynethryth of Mercia, in central England. At the time, England was not yet united, and Mercia was the most powerful kingdom, ruled jointly by King Offa and his notable Queen. Notable, especially, because Cynethryth was the only queen of the age to have a coin with her name and image on it. The central image on the right hand side (the reverse of the coin) is the stylized "M" for Mercia. The horizontal bar above indicates an abbreviation. On many of King Offa's coins, the "M" is less spiral in shape, more clearly a letter. On Cynethryth's coins, the outer arms of the "M" begin to spiral, with a more extended central point that looks like a nose. Two dots have also been placed within the spiraling arms to suggest eyes. Taken at first glance, one might even see a face. Looking back at the Langeid sword, the hilt also has a stylized spiral on both sides. The spirals clearly resemble eyes, with a horizontal bar at the top that has been integrated into the design, rather like the bar on a pair of glasses, and indications of a "nose" -- created by a bird's tail and a cross, respectively. Above one spiral, the Hand of God reaches down, carrying a cross, and accompanied by the runic "S" for Sigel, the Sun. On both hilt and pommel, the letter "E" predominates, and is oriented to the direction of the spirals. The abbreviations "SR" and "SH" on the pommel are also important in deciphering the possible owner of the sword. Taken together, the "SR" could well stand for the Latin phrase, "Serva Regina," or "[God] Save the Queen," and the "SH" for the Old English title, "Seo Hlafdige," or "Our Lady," by which Anglo-Saxon noble wives were addressed. If so, the identity of the "E" falls into place.
Aelfgifu, the wife of King Knut and later Regent of Norway by his appointment, had her name written as "Elgiva" in Latin. Did the sword belong to Aelfgifu/Elgiva? But what about Emma, the other (more famous) wife of King Knut? It is true that Knut also married the Norman lady, Emma, widow of the previous king, Aethelred. But she was not the slightest bit Anglo-Saxon, and no evidence exists that she was ever in Norway. However, Aelfgifu/Elgiva was descended from a powerful and noble Mercian family -- and, as my next blog will show, had every reason to welcome the Danish prince, Knut, to her shores, and to England's throne. Last edited: February 2, 2019. The caption reads, "Arizona female scout /86." Captivating, and rare, this photo shows a woman dressed as an Army scout with pants, chaps, and rifle. Perhaps she is of Native or Latina ancestry; we are not told. Nor do we know her name. Yet, she must have been a brave person, as very few women dared to dress like men in the 19th century, whatever sort of work they actually did. In The Cowgirl Way: Hats Off to America's Women of the West by Holly George-Warren, the experience of one intrepid Montana cowgirl of the 1880s, Evelyn Cameron, describes the threat she received just for wearing a split skirt, "So great was the prejudice against any divided garment in Montana that a warning was given to me to abstain from riding on the streets of Miles City lest I might be arrested!" Historical photos show women riding the range sidesaddle, roping calves, and even branding stock -- all in long skirts. Not to be held down, however, were the bold women like the scout above and the famous "Calamity Jane," real name Martha Jane Can(n)ary, that defied the restrictive and often impractical dress code of the Old West. Desperation, too, may have played a role in their resistance and their willingness to take the threats, jeers, and sexual harassment that came with "wearing the pants." We know Martha Jane's childhood was tragic, marred by frequent moves led by her father, the death of her mother, and her parents' disreputable lives as a gambler and a prostitute, respectively. When her father also died in 1867, the 14-yr-old Martha loaded her 5 younger siblings into a wagon and moved farther west, to Wyoming. She then took any job she could find, including prostitution, to support her family. In time, the desperate teenage girl grew into a determined and fearless woman. She shifted her work choices to those that were better paid and allowed her some degree of autonomy -- "men's work." For these jobs, she adopted traditionally male dress. But the pain she must have suffered beneath her tough exterior -- pain caused by the aggressive male dominated culture -- led to alcohol addiction. She went through a series of failed relationships and had several children that were placed in various foster homes. Even the exploits she related in her autobiography were often denied by the men who saw them. As "Calamity Jane," she was caricatured into an Amazon of the West, an aberration that could be laughed off and dismissed. Yet it is precisely those qualities of defiance and bravery that have kept her famous long after the men who used, abused, and tried to silence her have died. For all the bold women of the West, it's time we heard them roar.
When we think of the pioneer trail, or the stagecoach route, or the Army supply wagon of the Old West, we usually imagine a team of sleek, strong horses trotting along or perhaps the steady plod of oxen. But in the desert Southwest, the humble mule reigned supreme. Twice as fast as oxen over rough ground, and sure-footed like his donkey parent, the mule was the quintessential "horse"power where water was scarce. A mule could pull a load 30 miles a day or more between water stops. Oxen could barely make 15 miles due to their slow pace. Mules also had the donkey's tolerance for heat and cold.
In the California desert between the Colorado River, near present-day Ehrenberg, and the San Gorgonio Pass, gold miners created a roughly 180 mile supply route along an ancient Cahuilla footpath that linked tiny natural oases to rivers and streams. In one section, the distance between water was 35 miles! But this was no obstacle to the prospectors and coach drivers, who dug wells and built stage stops along the way to bring (a little) comfort to what was known as the "Jackass Route" for the hardy mules who pulled the wagons over those dry, dusty miles. Today, the Bradshaw Trail is a 4-wheel-drive road tracing that mule route through the desert. |
![]() Eleanor Dare's last refuge was quite possibly the now lost city of the Occaneechi -- a palisaded fortress that encompassed a small island in the Roanoke River, near the borders of present-day Virginia and North Carolina. Visited by the German explorer Johann Lederer in 1670, he noted: This island, though small, maintains many inhabitants, who are fix'd here in great security, being naturally fortified with fastnesses of mountains, and water on every side. Upon the north-shore they yearly reap great crops of corn, of which they always have a twelve-months provision aforehand, against an invasion from their powerful neighbours. Their government is under two kings, one presiding in arms, the other in hunting and husbandry. They hold all things, except their wives, in common . . . . At my arrival here, I met four stranger-Indians, whose bodies were painted in various colours with figures of animals whose likeness I had never seen: and by some discourse and signes which passed between us, I gathered that they were the only survivours of fifty, who set out together in company from some great island, as I conjecture . . . to the northwest; for I understood that they crossed a great water, in which most of their party perished by tempest, the rest dying in the marishes and mountains by famine and hard weather, after a two-months travel by land and water in quest of this Island of Akenatzy [Occaneechi]. [The Discoveries of John Lederer. Translated by Sir William Talbot. 1670.] Famous as a trading market far and wide, Ocanahonan or Ocanahowan, as John Smith of the Jamestown colony marked it on his map of the region, was known also as a place of asylum. Other 17th century English accounts bemoan the "vagabonds" that took refuge there, even while they acknowledged its importance for trade with tribes farther inland. Copper, furs, and shell beads were high on the list of desirables. Prior to the advent of Jamestown in 1607, copper flowed from several sources. Major veins were mined for thousands of years in the Great Lakes region. The visitors Lederer saw at Ocanahonan in 1670 may very well have been from there. Copper, however, was more locally mined in North Carolina; a site called Ritanoc or Ritanoe is labeled on Smith's map near Saxapahaw, NC, where Faust copper mine was located in the 1800s. As I will explain later, Ritanoc was important for more than its mine. Copper was Native gold, smelted and worked into high value ornaments and ceremonial weapons. The Occaneechi, perched atop their island fortress where the Great Trading Path forded the Roanoke River, controlled all trade moving north-south along the East Coast, like river barons in medieval Germany who strung chains across the Rhine to levy tolls on every boat that passed. It was said the Occaneechi had much copper, among other valuables. Yet unlike the so-called "robber barons" of Europe, the Occaneechi appeared to share their wealth among all their people, considering it a duty of every great man to provide for those around him. Tragically, our knowledge of Ocanahonan may be forever limited to written accounts, as the island is now flooded under Kerr Lake Reservoir. Just prior to the completion of the dam in the 1960s, a cursory archaeological investigation of the area was done, but time and manpower was limited, and nothing of the city was found, though Occaneechi occupation of the area was confirmed. This loss is magnified by written accounts - the Smith map and William Strachey's account of Jamestown -- that place survivors of the 1587 Roanoke Colony at Ocanahonan. Strachey was informed by Powhatan's brother-in-law, Machumps, that the Engish had built 2-story stone houses at Ocanahonan. Stone houses need two key things that the Native people of eastern North America did not possess: a knowledge of masonry building techniques, and masonry tools. But, if the Dare Stone from Chowan is real, then Eleanor Dare and her fellow English survivors possessed both. If Eleanor Dare did reach Ocanahonan, clearly, she came to stay. ![]() In my sequel to Dare to Follow, I continue the story of the English at Ocanahonan and their children, following clues left by Smith and Strachey that, some 16 years later, certain Roanoke colonists were to be found at Ritanoc, the copper mining town deep in the heartland of NC. So the mystery continues . . . |
Last time, I said I would explore the lifeways of the Occaneechi Tribe, but before I do, I want to offer some observations on the illness that ravaged the Coastal Algonkians following the first visits of the English, and created the first real war between the English and the Natives, namely, Pemisapan's War. "Twise this Wiroans named Wingina [later Pemisapan] was so grieviously sicke that hee was like to die, and as he lay languishing, doubting of any helpe by his own priestes, and thinking he was in such danger for offending us, and thereby our God, sent for some of us to pray . . . . the people began to die very fast, and many in short space, in some townes about twentie, and in some fourtie, and in one sixe score [120] , which in trueth was very many in respect of their numbers. . . .The disease also so strange, that they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it . . . . [yet] all the space of their sickenes, there was no man of ours known to die, or that was specially sicke," from A Brief and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia, by Thomas Hariot, 1588.
Despite the terrible death toll, the chief Wingina did survive, but his beloved brother, Granganimeo, and many of his people, succumbed. Vowing revenge, Wingina changed his name to Pemisapan and assembled an alliance of Algonkian tribes -- Roanoak, Mangoak, and Chowanoak -- to totally destroy the English explorers in the summer of 1586. However, the plot was revealed to Ralph Lane by Skiko, the son of the Chowanoak chief, who remained friendly to the English and seemed reluctant to oppose them openly, even if some of his people chose to join the alliance. The raid on the English explorers encamped on Roanoke thus failed to surprise them, and in the battle, Wingina/Pemisapan was killed. The rest of the alliance melted back into their home villages, but clearly the desire to defend their people against mysterious foreign disease did not die with Pemisapan. His war again flared to life when another group of English, this time colonists with women and children, entered coastal North Carolina just one year later.
The mysterious disease that killed so many Natives, yet hardly showed any symptoms of illness among the English, could not be measles or smallpox -- two diseases that did ravage Native populations in other places, but have a very short time of transmission, and must be spread to another person during the infectious phase of the sickness. Given that the disease spread rapidly in close quarters, but with no signs of serious illness from the transmitting person or persons, it had to be a disease that can be carried and spread by otherwise healthy humans. Influenza fits the description perfectly, as it can be asymptomatic, a fact which is not widely understood. According to an article published by the National Institutes of Health in 2009, "One in three influenza-infected individuals is asymptomatic."
Influenza could ravage the Native populations because they had zero immunity to any form of the virus, unlike European populations regularly exposed to some form of influenza from infancy. It has been theorized that Europeans carried so many new diseases to the Americas because they had domesticated such a variety of animals -- chickens, pigs, cattle -- and lived with them in close proximity, often in the same structure, during the Middle Ages. The modern version of flu, avian flu, can also produce asymptomatic carriers, especially in persons who frequently handle live poultry, as in the case of one Chinese worker tested in January, 2014.
Native Americans frequently ate meat, but primarily wild caught game, and had no exposure to diseases transmitted by domestic animals or rats, namely, influenza, measles, smallpox, and bubonic plague. These 4 diseases accounted for the highest numbers of deaths among Native populations in the years following European contact. Thus, I suggest that it is not animal protein itself that is the source of so many diseases and poor health in Westernized populations, but the manner in which those animals are reared, slaughtered, and consumed. We also need to be aware that diseases like influenza are not solely transmitted by sick persons, and take greater measures to prevent infection by new viruses, or risk experiencing the same trauma suffered by Pemisapan's people.
Despite the terrible death toll, the chief Wingina did survive, but his beloved brother, Granganimeo, and many of his people, succumbed. Vowing revenge, Wingina changed his name to Pemisapan and assembled an alliance of Algonkian tribes -- Roanoak, Mangoak, and Chowanoak -- to totally destroy the English explorers in the summer of 1586. However, the plot was revealed to Ralph Lane by Skiko, the son of the Chowanoak chief, who remained friendly to the English and seemed reluctant to oppose them openly, even if some of his people chose to join the alliance. The raid on the English explorers encamped on Roanoke thus failed to surprise them, and in the battle, Wingina/Pemisapan was killed. The rest of the alliance melted back into their home villages, but clearly the desire to defend their people against mysterious foreign disease did not die with Pemisapan. His war again flared to life when another group of English, this time colonists with women and children, entered coastal North Carolina just one year later.
The mysterious disease that killed so many Natives, yet hardly showed any symptoms of illness among the English, could not be measles or smallpox -- two diseases that did ravage Native populations in other places, but have a very short time of transmission, and must be spread to another person during the infectious phase of the sickness. Given that the disease spread rapidly in close quarters, but with no signs of serious illness from the transmitting person or persons, it had to be a disease that can be carried and spread by otherwise healthy humans. Influenza fits the description perfectly, as it can be asymptomatic, a fact which is not widely understood. According to an article published by the National Institutes of Health in 2009, "One in three influenza-infected individuals is asymptomatic."
Influenza could ravage the Native populations because they had zero immunity to any form of the virus, unlike European populations regularly exposed to some form of influenza from infancy. It has been theorized that Europeans carried so many new diseases to the Americas because they had domesticated such a variety of animals -- chickens, pigs, cattle -- and lived with them in close proximity, often in the same structure, during the Middle Ages. The modern version of flu, avian flu, can also produce asymptomatic carriers, especially in persons who frequently handle live poultry, as in the case of one Chinese worker tested in January, 2014.
Native Americans frequently ate meat, but primarily wild caught game, and had no exposure to diseases transmitted by domestic animals or rats, namely, influenza, measles, smallpox, and bubonic plague. These 4 diseases accounted for the highest numbers of deaths among Native populations in the years following European contact. Thus, I suggest that it is not animal protein itself that is the source of so many diseases and poor health in Westernized populations, but the manner in which those animals are reared, slaughtered, and consumed. We also need to be aware that diseases like influenza are not solely transmitted by sick persons, and take greater measures to prevent infection by new viruses, or risk experiencing the same trauma suffered by Pemisapan's people.
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